No
one knows exactly why one of the original fourteen colonies was called
Backland. I’ve done some research into the use of the word prior to the
colony’s founding in 1716, but the closest thing I’ve found is William Penn’s
description of parts of Pennsylvania: “The back lands being richer than those
that lie by navigable rivers.” Perhaps that’s how Backland’s founder, Lord
Simon Boon, thought of the place. He planned to settle the colony with
“chroniclers, historians, portrait artists, poets, playwrights, actors,
singers, and so forth.” Unfortunately, Lord Boon couldn’t find many folks like
that willing to follow him to this God-forsaken land, so the colony was
populated mainly by scoundrels, religious fanatics, and adventurers. It
attracted more than just Brits—Welsh, Scots Highlanders, Germans, Italians,
French, you name it—with one exception: settlers from other American colonies
were barred.
During
the Revolution, chaos reigned. Contemporary historians estimate that the
American population was split in thirds between Patriots, Loyalists, and folks
who didn’t know which way to turn. When the War began, most Americans had been
in favor of some kind of reconciliation with Britain: they were willing to
remain in the British Empire but tied only to the king, with Parliament having
no authority over them at all. As late as 1776 most Americans were monarchists.
But after the War began in earnest, America split apart. The Patriots elected
representatives to the Continental Congress and sent soldiers to Washington’s
army; the Loyalists were tarred and feathered, had their property confiscated,
and often emigrated to England; and those on the fence had to choose between
one and the other. For six years the Colonies were without any truly legitimate
government: anarchy, mob rule, and terror reigned.
In
the middle of all this, Robert Jones published his infamous pamphlet,
Against Liberty, in Vickery, Backland’s largest city. Jones, who had come
here in 1724 at the age of four, had lost everything: his property had been
confiscated, his crops had been burned, he’d been tarred and feathered and
paraded through the streets, and finally he’d left for London. Subtitled A
Prophetic Warning, and drawing on the writings of such defenders of
monarchy as Plato, Dante, and de Maistre, Against Liberty described
Jones’s vision of America under the Patriots’ rule. It would be “a life of
slavery and subjection to the iron-fisted tyranny of the majority, a life more
like death than liberty.” Jones theorized that the more people in power, the
more oppressive the power would be, so that a democracy, in which power was
vested in the majority (“the mob”), would be inherently more oppressive than a monarchy,
where all power was vested in one person. In Patriotland, Jones’s imaginary
democracy, all preferment was granted according to how well a citizen fit in
with the tastes of the majority, not according to his ability. These
tastes—which were of the decidedly lower-class variety—ruled not only over the
realm of politics, but over all culture, from what food was grown to what music
was played. Under a monarchy, however, or so Jones argued, the tastes of the
king and his aristocracy allowed natural excellence to flourish. Similarly,
under a democracy exceptional men would be punished for being different, and in
Patriotland the prisons were filled with men of genius; in monarchies, however,
the prisons held precisely those rabble-rousers who would rule Patriotland. In
a hundred years, Jones prophesied, Patriotland would become a nation in which
every citizen would imitate his fellows, and, nobility having vanished, nothing
would be left but a mass of mediocrity.
This
pamphlet was immensely influential in Backland, where it was circulated widely.
The colony, like Georgia, was already a hotbed of Loyalist sentiment, but
Jones’s pamphlet actually made it possible to openly voice Loyalist creeds.
Jones himself returned triumphantly in 1779 and organized a pro-British
militia. He damned the Continental Congress, characterizing them as pawns of
the French—a view which, by the way, was shared by John Adams, John Jay, and
Ben Franklin—and, in a famous speech, proclaimed, “Give me monarchy or give me
death!”
Meanwhile,
his cause was being defeated by Washington’s army. By 1781, after Washington’s
victory at Yorktown, Britain’s only remaining holdings were New York,
Charleston, Vickery, and Savannah. Lord North, the British prime minister,
resigned, King George III drafted a letter of abdication, and Cornwallis’s army
returned to England. The Patriots had won. And by the time the Treaty of Paris
was signed, Britain had ceded the entire fourteen colonies to the newly
established United States of America.
While
the rest of America’s Loyalists had fled, Jones’s army remained, entrenched at
Fort Vickery, supported by a large majority of Backlanders. Washington didn’t
take them very seriously, especially since they were entirely without British
support. Backland Patriots drafted a state constitution and had it ratified by
ignoring Jones’s supporters; Backland became the seventh state to join the
Union. Everyone figured that sooner or later Jones and his followers would just
go away.
But
that never really occurred to the men in Fort Vickery. As soon as the peace
treaty had been signed—ceding Vickery to the USA, to the great surprise of
Backlanders—Jones—who considered himself a prophet, not a leader—sent his
right-hand man, Caleb Turner, on a special mission to King George III: he was
to plead that Backland remain a British colony.
Turner,
however, had other ideas. He was 35, tall, with a full head of dark hair hidden
under his wig. After a backwoods upbringing and years of military service, he
had a ruggedness, a manly bearing, entirely foreign to the Court at London. He
was easily the most handsome man there. And, having had few if any contacts
with women during the years of the Revolution, he quickly formed a huge appetite
for the pleasures of the flesh. It was rumored that during his first week in
London he bedded nine different ladies, including several who were married to
Lords, though that appears to me extremely unlikely. Needless to say, these rumors did not endear him to the Court.
Turner
reasoned, quite correctly, that if he followed Jones’s instructions and asked
King George to reacquire Backland, and if the king accepted, this would put
Backland at war with the other colonies, who wanted no British on their soil.
On the other hand, if Backland were to become an independent nation, they could
remain at peace with the United States, and he could then ask King George to
make him Backland’s first king. Turner met with the king in private;
there are no records of their conversation. But we gather that Turner’s first
proposition met with George’s approval, while his second was refused—or at
least postponed. At any rate, Turner wrote to Jones that England had rejected
the proposal that Backland remain a Crown Colony, and that King George would appoint
a king for Backland.
Turner
lobbied hard for the position. He got himself engaged to the eighteen-year-old
daughter of the Duke of Windsor; she flatly refused to consider any other
suitors, no matter what their station. The duke therefore was most desirous to
have a king rather than a colonial commoner as his future son-in-law. But King
George wasted little time before deciding to appoint his second cousin, Francis
Colchester, as Backland’s King Francis. Turner broke off the engagement and
returned to Vickery empty-handed.
King
George had required that Backland’s borders be secured before Francis’s
arrival, so Jones’s militia, armed with additional ammunition supplied by the
British, spread throughout Backland, handing out muskets to anyone willing to fight
for king and country. After heated debate, the Continental Congress decided to
expel Backland from the confederation, although Washington preferred to take
the state by force. The expulsion, however, was more acceptable to most
congressmen, who generally considered Backland an embarrassment, and not worth
the expenditure of arms; in addition, Francis had taken the precaution of
sending certain powerful congressmen emissaries bearing expensive gifts. So on
August 3, 1783, Francis Colchester, who had arrived from England the night
before, was crowned King Francis I of Backland. Years later some wag calculated
that August 3 could also be called “The 34th of July,” so the date was dubbed
Dependence Day.
Francis
was sane, 46 years old, had been married for eight years, and was expecting his
first child (who turned out to be stillborn). He had never before been to
America, but he was capable and wise, and he knew that the first thing he had
to do was consolidate his power. Immediately after the coronation he decreed a
new tax, which he called an establishment tax, a one-time fee collected from
all property holders, which he promised to prudently invest, allowing Backland
to gain economic independence from the rest of the former colonies.
All
economic and diplomatic ties with Backland were soon severed by the U.S.
Congress. King Francis now felt he had a free hand. Backland’s leading Patriots
were tried for treason and executed; other Patriots either fled or were
deported. Hundreds of slaves labored for eleven years to build an immense
twenty-five-foot-high wall along the U.S. border, with barbed iron spikes
hammered into the mortar and sticking out from between the stones. Francis knew
that he had ready customers for all Backland’s exports—rice, indigo, deerskin,
lumber, beef, pork—in England. He invested wisely, spent wisely, taxed heavily.
And Backland thrived.
As
for Caleb Turner, he continued womanizing; he started drinking too. Subject to
manic bursts of energy, he accomplished some significant things, such as
establishing Backland’s first hospital, organizing a land-clearing crew for
agriculture and lumber-production, and opening four racetracks. However,
between these efforts, he led a life of complete dissipation. Although he never
married, it is said that his progeny numbered in the dozens.
And
as for Robert Jones, he was named the first Duke of Vickery and became very
wealthy. Under Francis, he was almost twice as rich as he’d been under George
III. And he wrote a now largely forgotten sequel to Against Liberty, a
pamphlet called Republic of Infamy, in which he engaged in an imaginary
dialogue with a U.S. republican rogue. During most of the dialogue, Jones
enumerated the injustices he’d endured at the hands of the Patriots—a pretty
tedious account; this was followed by a what-have-I-done-to-deserve-this series
of questions. The only surprising thing about the pamphlet was what Jones’s
imaginary Patriot answered: with unconcealed anger, he simply retold the
history of the Revolutionary War, illustrating the triumph of democracy over
monarchy by force—a might-makes-right argument that, considering U.S. history,
actually makes perfect sense. As Jones might say, what is majority rule but the
command of the strong over the weak?